Research Summaries 2006

These summaries were written by SVPEP staff and are based on original papers published within the last 6 years. The information available on this web site is provided as a public service and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the U.S. Centers of Disease Control and Prevention, the Arizona Department of Health Services, or the University of Arizona. To conduct an individual search or locate older articles use the Search Summary Database which includes over 600 articles related to sexual violence.

 

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Annan, S. L. (2006). Sexual violence in rural areas. Family & Community Health, 29, 164-168.

This review of 11 articles highlights research findings, including the lack of services for rural women as well as higher levels of victim-blaming in rural areas.

The author reviewed published articles on sexual violence in rural areas in the United States. The emphasis of the studies included prevalence, risk factors, attitudes, and factors affecting reporting and service utilization. Prevalence rates of forced and coerced sexual intercourse varied by study, from 10% to 30% among females, and 5% among males (most studies did not include males). Non-stranger assaults accounted for 78%-100% of all assaults. A major factor contributing to risk and barriers to reporting and accessing services in rural areas was high acquaintance density, making non-stranger assault more likely and confidentiality difficult. For example, victims were likely to know or be related to law enforcement and medical personnel. Physical isolation and lack of resources, such as phone service and transportation, were also identified as risks and barriers. High levels of victim-blaming attitudes were found in rural areas, contributing to victims’ self-blame and stigmatization in their communities. Two studies reported decreased levels of victim-blaming attitudes after educational interventions. Suggested areas for future research include characteristics of rural survivors (e.g., prior victimization, income, and race/ethnicity). Studies should also examine risk factors and the physical and mental health impacts of sexual violence in rural populations.

This is a review article.

Bergen, R. & Bukovec, P. (2006). Men and intimate partner rape: characteristics of men who sexually abuse their partner. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21, 1375-1384.

Among men enrolled in an abuse intervention program, more than half said they had committed at least one kind of sexual abuse against their most recent female partner.

Men enrolling in an abuse intervention program completed questionnaires (n=229) that included 17 items about sexually violent or coercive acts with their most recent female partner, ranging from emotionally coercing her to have sex against her will to physically forcing her to have sex with the perpetrator, other people, animals, or objects. Fifty-three percent of the men said they had committed at least one kind of sexual abuse. The most common act of abuse (40%) was emotionally coercing a partner to have sex when she did not want to. Fourteen percent of men used physical force at least once. Seventeen percent admitted to having sex with a partner when she was unable to consent (including while she slept).

65% of men in the study were court-ordered to the intervention program, and one-third were self-referred. Almost half of the men were African-American. Care should be taken when reviewing the data in the study; the authors mix reports of their results with information from other studies, which may be confusing. Terms such as “sexual assault,” “rape,” and “sexual abuse” are used interchangeably.

Berson, M. (2006). Finding ways to change behaviour. In 2006 NetSafe Symposium - Cybersafety & Security Online (pp. 44-46). NetSafe.

Current efforts in internet safety education for children are effective at increasing knowledge, but ineffective in changing behavior.

This document is part of the published proceedings of an internet safety and security conference held in Wellington, New Zealand, in July of 2006. The document is a transcript of a plenary given by Dr. Michael Berson of the University of South Florida, where he comments on current efforts to provide internet safety education to children and future directions. Evaluated efforts of well-funded internet safety education programs have been able to demonstrate an increase in knowledge, but none have demonstrated a significant change in behavior. Current efforts and legislation promoting traditional criminal justice models of behavior prevention are unlikely to succeed. There is too much emphasis on restricting children's access to pornography. Future efforts must get children to be critical consumers of the vast volumes of information they have access to. The critical question educators should be trying to answer is, "...how do children discern fact from fantasy?"

 

This document is available online.

Bletzer, K. V., & Koss, M. P. (2006). After-rape among three populations in the Southwest. Violence Against Women, 12, 5-29.

While women’s experience of surviving rape is similar across cultural and ethnic backgrounds, differences in their descriptions of the event may guide primary and secondary intervention strategies.

The way a person describes an experience can give insight to the meaning of the event in their life. This study included analysis of life narratives by 62 female sexual violence survivors from three ethnic/cultural groups of the Southwest: Mexican American, Native American (Southern Cheyenne), and  Anglo. All the women were low income, and the mean age of each group was about 35 years. Most of the women knew the perpetrator. Women in all groups described their feelings after rape as anger, defilement, and degradation. Few women reported the rape to police or talked to a mental health worker. When describing their long-term strategy for dealing with the rape, Anglo women were more likely to discuss taking control or leaving the memory of the event behind them. Native American women talked more about forgetting the incident or blocking it out. Mexican American women were less likely to describe active efforts to return to a “normal” life and talked more about the continuing effects of the rape on their lives. All of the women described difficulty in interpersonal relationships and in trusting men. The researchers recommended designing post-rape interventions that are sensitive to differences in sociocultural backgrounds, and educating community members to support survivors.

Brown, J., L'Engle, K., Pardun, C., Guang, G., Kenneavy, K., & Jackson, C. (2006). Sexy media matter: Exposure to sexual content in music, movies, television, and magazines predicts black and white adolescents' sexual behavior. Pediatrics, 117, 1018-1027.

Media is more likely to influence the sexual behavior of white adolescents than black adolescents.

This article reports the findings of a longitudinal study of 1,017 adolescents regarding their media use. The study found that white adolescents exposed to sexual content in music, movies, television, and magazines increased their sexual activity and were at higher risk of engaging in early sexual intercourse. Black adolescents were less influenced by the media. Instead, black adolescents were more influenced by their perceptions of their parent's expectations and the sexual behavior of their peers.

Campbell, R. (2006). Rape survivors’ experiences with the legal and medical systems: Do rape victim advocates make a difference? Violence Against Women, 12, 30-45.

Survivors of sexual assault who were assisted by rape crisis center advocates received more medical and legal services, and were less distressed by their interactions with law enforcement and medical personnel.

This study looked at women who were treated in emergency rooms after reporting rape. Two hospitals were included in the study: one had a policy of paging a rape crisis advocate when a victim arrived, and the other did not. Participants included 36 women who worked with rape victim advocates and 45 who did not. Survivors were asked about medical and legal services that were offered, secondary victimization behaviors by medical and law enforcement staff, and their emotional responses to the secondary victimization. Victims who worked with advocates had more police reports taken (59% vs. 41%) and were less likely to experience secondary victimization behaviors from medical and legal personnel. They were more likely to be offered emergency contraception (33% vs. 14%) and information about/treatment for STDs. They were less likely to blame themselves for the assault (54% vs. 82%) and less reluctant to seek further help (67% vs. 91%). The author recommended that rape crisis centers continue to work with medical and legal systems to streamline response systems and increase the use of advocate services.

David, W., Simpson, T. & Cotton, A. (2006). Taking charge: A pilot curriculum of self-defense and personal safety training for female veterans with PTSD because of military sexual trauma. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21, 555-565.

Participation in a self-defense/personal safety intervention reduced symptoms of PTSD and depression among female veterans who had experienced sexual assault and sexual trauma in the military.

A group of twelve female veterans (average age 48.3 years) in treatment for PTSD at a VA hospital participated in this 12-week, 36-hour pilot treatment program. Each three-hour group session included one hour of psychoeducation and role-play; one hour of physical self-defense training with a male and a female instructor, and one hour of debriefing. Three female psychologists were present throughout each session. Data was collected from ten women: twice before the intervention, immediately after completion, and at three and six months after. Significant changes lasting over time included: being able to better identify risky vs. safe situations; less avoidance of social situations to avoid triggering memories; less hyperarousal; less depression; and increased self-efficacy. A strong bond developed among participants which may have helped all twelve complete the program.

This study was limited by a small sample size of self-selected participants who were carefully screened for psychological and physical stability. Further studies should be done to determine if equally positive results are found in other groups.

Forbes, G., Adams-Curtis, L., Pakalka, A., & White, K. (2006). Dating aggression, sexual coercion, and aggression-supporting attitudes among college men as a function of participation in aggressive high school sports. Violence Against Women, 12, 441-455.

Participation in aggressive sports is associated with attitudes that support violence against women, and violent acts against women. This study does not, however, imply causal relationships between sports and violence against women (i.e. that aggressive sports cause men to be more violent, or that violent men choose to play aggressive sports).

This article describes the findings from a study of 147 college men, in which 115 men reported that they had participated in 1 or more sports in high school. Of these 115 men, 101 men had played an "aggressive" sport (football, basketball, wrestling, or soccer). Relative to a comparison group of 46 men, the men who had participated in an aggressive sport in high school reported that they used more psychological and physical aggression, and more sexual coercion in their college dating relationships. These men also scored higher on measures of Acceptance of Violence, Hostility Toward Women, Rape Myth Acceptance, and Homonegativity scales.

 

Gidycz, C., Rich, C., Orchowski, L., King, C., & Miller, A. (2006). The evaluation of a sexual assault self-defense and risk-reduction program for college women: A prospective study. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 30, 173-186.

College women who participated in a sexual assault risk-reduction program were more likely to practice protective behaviors than women who did not participate. Neither program participation nor practicing protective behaviors made a difference in rates of sexual victimization over a 6-month follow-up period.

Researchers examined changes in protective behaviors, sexual communication, and self-efficacy among college women participating in a sexual assault avoidance program (n=234) compared with a control group (n=266). The seven-hour skills-building program included lecture, video, group discussion, role play, and physical self-defense techniques. Three months later, a 1-½ hour “booster” session was given. Only self-protective behaviors increased over time more among program participants compared with the control group. About the same number of women in both groups reported experiencing moderate or severe victimization during the follow-up period. Among those who were victimized, program participants were more likely to blame the perpetrator. Researchers found that the only factor associated with being victimized during the follow-up period was a history of adolescent victimization.

Limits of the study include the small sample size. Program participants may have identified a broader range of experiences as sexual victimization than non-participants.

Gross, A. M., Winslett, A., Roberts, M., & Gohm, C. L. (2006). An examination of sexual violence against college women. Violence Against Women, 12, 288-300.

The purpose of the study was to examine the incidence and correlates of different forms of sexual victimization among a sample of college women.

The sample consisted of 935 undergraduate female students who were recruited from introductory psychology classes and on-campus sororities. A questionnaire was administered to participants in small groups. The results showed that 27% of the women had experienced unwanted sexual contact since enrolling in college. Thirty-seven percent of the sample reported multiple forced sexual experiences. African-American women reported higher rates of sexual victimization compared to White women. Survivors and perpetrators reported high rates of alcohol consumption during the time of the sexual experience. Boyfriends were the most common perpetrator of sexual aggression. Implications for prevention efforts are discussed.

College | Prevalence | Risk

Heintz, A. J., & Melendez, R. M. (2006). Intimate partner violence and HIV/STD risk among lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21, 193-208.

The goal of the study was to examine HIV and sexually transmitted disease risk (STD) among lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals who were in abusive relationships.

Study participants were LGBT individuals who sought services for intimate partner violence. The survey data from 58 participants was analyzed. Almost half of the participants (41%) reported being forced to have sex with an intimate partner. A third of participants (31%) reported never engaging in safer sex practices with an abusive partner. Reasons for not engaging in safer sex protection included wanting to avoid problems with the partner and fearing partner's response. Several individuals reported experiencing verbal, physical, and/or sexual abuse as a result of requesting safer sex. Implications for screening and safety planning are discussed.

Hellman, C. & House, D. (2006). Volunteers serving victims of sexual assault. Journal of Social Psychology, 146, 117-123.

Sexual violence crisis hotline and hospital advocate volunteers were most satisfied with their work when they were emotionally attached to the agency and attended monthly meetings that they found helpful. Satisfied volunteers intended to stay in their positions.

In this study, researchers looked at factors associated with volunteer satisfaction, commitment, and intent to continue volunteering. Twenty-eight sexual violence crisis hotline and hospital advocate volunteers filled out mail-in surveys. Satisfied volunteers were more likely to report intending to remain in their positions. Compared with less satisfied volunteers, satisfied volunteers reported higher levels of feelings of competence, social support, and emotional attachment to the agency. They also reported finding monthly agency meetings more valuable and had lower levels of exposure to victim blaming from other service providers. This is a very small sample, but it reaches the same conclusions as previous research. The authors recommended on-going training for volunteers, including skills-building to confront victim-blaming among other service providers. By addressing these issues, volunteers may be more satisfied, which may lead to better retention.

Johnson, R., Rew, L., & Kouzekanani, K. (2006). Gender differences in victimized homeless adolescents. Adolescence, 41, 40-53.

When working with homeless youth, identification of abuse history can be critical in developing effective interventions. This study indicates that young men and boys who have been sexually abused can benefit from learning assertive communication skills, as other studies have shown with young women and girls.

This study sought to determine how gender and sexual abuse history influence cognitive-perceptual and behavioral factors associated with the sexual health practices of homeless adolescents. The investigators conducted a secondary analysis of data collected for a study of sexual health practices of homeless adolescents, using a sample of 414 participants. They found that females reporting a history of sexual abuse had a shorter future time perspective that females who did not report abuse, indicating a reduced belief that the future has a structure, can be controlled and is predictable. Males who did not report a history of sexual abuse had higher perceived health status than abused females, and were more assertive communicators than abused males.

Kaysen, D., Neighbors, C., Martell, J., Fossos, N. & Larimer, M. (2006). Incapacitated rape and alcohol abuse. Addictive Behaviors, 31, 1820-1832.

High rates of alcohol consumption both predicted and followed sexual assault among a sample of college students.

Male and female students at three colleges completed questionnaires about alcohol use at three time points over three years. Incapacitated rape was assessed with the question, “have you ever been pressured or forced to have sex with someone because you were too drunk to prevent it?” More women than men reported ever having experienced incapacitated sexual assault (10.0% vs. 5.7%). Students who drank the most and had the most self-reported alcohol-related problems were more likely to experience incapacitated sexual assault. The relationship was cyclical: after sexual assault, students drank more and had more alcohol-related problems. Women who had never experienced incapacitated rape and who were not raped during the study period drank less than other students. Results from the study indicated that programs to discourage high-risk drinking among college students may help reduce incidence of sexual assault. The researchers suggested that early intervention following sexual assault may help prevent later increases in alcohol use and alcohol-related problems.

Alcohol | College

Lankenau, S., Clatts, M., Welle, D., Goldsamt, L., & Gwadz, M. (2005). Street careers: Homelessness, drug use, and sex work among young men who have sex with men (YMSM). International Journal of Drug Policy, 16, 10-18.

Effective social policies and interventions will recognize that homelessness, drug involvement, and sex work are interrelated aspects of the street economy.

This article describes ethnographic interviews with ten young, homeless men who have sex with men in New York City. It describes the "street capital" these men have accumulated as they have participated in the street economy as sex workers, and the "street competencies" these men have learned while surviving on the street. The article argues that these men began to accumulate "street capital" at an early age through experiences in various institutions, including their family, foster care, schools, hospitals, and jails. Combined with homelessness, different types of street capital combined with street competencies to result in street careers as sex workers participating in the street economy.

Macy, R. J. (2006).  A coping theory framework toward preventing sexual revictimization.  Aggression and Violent Behavior, 12, 177-192.

Adaptive, proactive, and resistive-defensive coping strategies may be used to construct a framework for interventions to prevent revictimization.

This paper examines three related coping theories; adaptive, proactive, and resistive-defensive and addresses how they may provide a framework to organize women’s coping efforts after sexual victimization in order to decrease the negative aspects of assault and reduce the likelihood of revictimization.  The paper consists of several sections: a summary of research on revictimization, a description of the three types of coping theories, the connections between theories, limitations of the research, and recommendations for future research.

There is limited research on the scope of theory.

Prevention | Theory

Martin, S., Ray, N. Sotres-Alvarez, D., Kupper, L., Moracco, K., Dickens, P., et al. (2006). Physical and sexual assault of women with disabilities. Violence Against Women, 12, 823-837.

Women with disabilities were more likely to experience sexual assault than women without disabilities in the past year. Both groups were equally likely to experience physical assault.

This study looked at data from phone surveys completed by 5,326 women in North Carolina. Prevalence of physical, emotional, or mental disabilities was estimated at 26%. Sexual assault (forced sexual activity) was experienced by 1.5% of disabled women and 0.6% of women without disabilities in the past year. Women who self-identified as disabled and those with cognitive impairments were significantly more likely to have experienced sexual assault (2.1% and 1.7% respectively). Other factors associated with having experienced sexual violence were being under 40 years old and being non-white. Physical assault was experienced during the previous year by 2.0% of disabled women and 2.3% of non-disabled women. Results suggest that sexual violence and domestic violence services should ensure that their services are accessible to and appropriate for women with physical, emotional, and mental disabilities.

Women in institutional settings (care homes, prison, etc.) were not included in this study. Because only households with telephones were surveyed, these results cannot be generalized to women who live without telephones.

Disabled | Prevalence

Mattaini, M. A., & McGuire, M. S. (2006). Behavioral strategies for constructing nonviolent cultures with Youth: A review. Behavior Modification, 30, 184-224.

This article provides a brief review of the roots of youth violence at a social level. It describes the traits of effective and ineffective programs to address youth violence, and focuses on two types of intervention strategies it considers to be promising and potentially effective.

The first type is universal skill training with youth, for which the article provides an analysis of several programs using universal skill training. Each program description offers and a summary of its strengths and weaknesses. Such programmatic analysis is also provided for the second intervention type, which is the use of universal ecological based strategies in interventions. Such interventions are designed to change cultural practice in cultural networks.

Milhausen, R., McBride, K. & Jun, M. (2006). Evaluating a peer-led, theatrical sexual assault prevention program: How do we measure success? College Student Journal, 40, 316-328.

Sexual assault prevention programs that discuss ambiguous sexual situations must clearly emphasize the differences between consensual sex and rape, or risk unintentionally reinforcing rape myths.

Researchers evaluated the success of a peer-led sexual assault prevention intervention. The program consists of a skit about a date that ended in a sexual encounter. The skit is followed by group discussion and education about sexual assault on campus.
Thirty-seven men and 37 women completed a pre- and post-test. Males were more likely than females to endorse rape-supportive myths both before and after. After the presentation, fewer males and females agreed with two measures of rape-myth acceptance, but both had a slight decrease in accepting that “No means stop.” This might be explained by ambiguity in the skit, and the researchers recommend making the point more clearly and strongly. Researchers also looked for differences in results between two instruments: the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) and the Sexual Beliefs Scale (SBS). Because no difference was found pre- and post-test on the RMAS, but the SBS measured differences in 3 of 5 subscales, researchers suggest that the SBS is a more useful tool.

Limits of the study include a small and non-random sample. It is not known if attitude changes lasted over time.

Miller, A. K., Markman, K. D., & Handley, I. M.  (2007). Self-blame among sexual assault victims prospectively predicts revictimization: A perceived sociolegal context model of risk.  Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 29, 129-136.

Sexual assault victims who perceived the law as permissive of nonconsensual sex are more likely to blame themselves for their assault. Feelings of self-blame place victims at greater risk of sexual revictimization during a 4.2 month period.

The study explores relationships between sexual assault, self-blame and sexual revictimization (SRV).  Participants of the study consisted of 144 undergraduate females at a Midwestern University who reported adolescent sexual assault experiences occurring after age 14.  Each participant was administered the SRV version of the SES and the Posttraumatic Cognitions Inventory.  Participants also completed interviews about their sexual assault experiences and a survey on legal perceptions of heterosexual interaction resulting in intercourse. All participants completed the SRV version of the SES 4.2 months later.  This investigation found that the degree of self-blame women experience following a sexual assault can influence subsequent victimization.  Women who have greater perceptions that the law permits men’s behavior of engaging in nonconsensual sex are more likely to blame themselves for their assault or that they failed to prevent their assaults.

The study included a sample that was primarily Caucasian (96.4%). Caucasian women may have different legal perceptions of sexual assault than women from different ethnic, racial, and socioeconomic backgrounds.

Miller, K., Melnick, M., Farrell, M., Sabo, D., & Barnes, G. (2006). Jocks, gender, binge drinking, and adolescent violence. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21, 105-120.

Not all school athletes identify as “jocks,” and not all jocks are involved in school sports. This study found that being a jock was associated with higher levels of violent behavior. The most violence was found among white male jocks who did not participate in sports.

The Family and Adolescent Study gathered information on Western New York adolescents in six waves between 1989-1996. This article was based on a sample of 608 male and female adolescents from that study. The researchers looked at how 4 characteristics (jock identity, athletic participation, binge drinking, and gender) were associated with committing violence within the family or outside the family. They found that: males who identified as jocks but did not play sports were involved in more frequent violence outside the family than athlete jocks; jocks and non-jocks committed similar levels of family violence; binge-drinking was associated with family violence only among non-jocks; and females who identified as jocks were not more violent than non-jock females.

Limits to the study included a lack of specific information about the types of violence committed (for example, sexual violence, gang violence, or bullying). Adolescents were not asked to define what they meant by the term “jock.” Athletes were not separated out by sport, so differences between participants in individual and team sports or contact and no-contact sports could not be determined.

O'Donnell, L., Stueve, A., Myint-U, A., Duran, R., Agronick, G., & Wilson-Simmons, R. (2006). Middle school aggression and subsequent intimate partner physical violence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 35, 693-703.

Aggressive interpersonal behavior in eighth grade is predictive of both intimate partner violence perpetration and victimization in young adults.

Youth in three Brooklyn, NY schools completed a survey three times: in eighth grade, in high school, and as young adults (age 19-20) (N=977). They were asked about interpersonal violence experienced and perpetrated in school, and about domestic violence experienced or witnessed in the home. Demographic information was collected to see if there was a relationship between violence and gender, race/ethnicity, which parent(s) were living in the home, religious service attendance, school performance, substance use, and age at sexual initiation. For young adult females, being a victim of intimate violence was associated with witnessing or experiencing physical aggression in the home as a child and with substance abuse, and was not associated with early aggression or any other characteristics. Perpetrating partner violence was associated with early aggression or with witnessing/experiencing violence as a child. Females who were witnesses or victims of domestic aggression as children were 2-3 times as likely to report perpetration. Among young men, exposure to domestic physical violence as a child, early aggression and early sexual initiation were associated with perpetrating and experiencing partner violence. No other demographic characteristics were related to partner violence. For both males and females, violence in the home was the factor most strongly correlated with early aggression as well as perpetrating and being a victim of partner violence.

The sample in this study may not be representative of all youth. Because the most aggressive males had the highest attrition rate over the course of the study, male violence in relationships may be underestimated by the results. Only physical abuse was considered in this study.

Prospero, M. (2006). The role of perceptions in dating violence among young adolescents. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21, 470-484.

Boys were more likely than girls to expect aggressive behavior responses in dating situations even if behavior triggering the aggression was not perceived as inappropriate.

A group of predominately Hispanic seventh and eighth grade students (n=89) were read four dating scenarios and asked questions about the protagonist’s perception of what the behavior meant and how the protagonist should respond to the behavior. They chose from a set of closed responses which the researchers coded as aggressive or non-aggressive. Although most students thought that the protagonist would not perceive the behavior aggressively (63-76%), most thought that the protagonist should respond aggressively (64-82%). More males than females thought that the response should be aggressive. To develop the dating scenarios and responses, the authors used focus groups made up of youth from the same population as those to whom the survey was given. They recommend use of this method to ensure that interventions target diverse groups appropriately.

Participants may have responded with what they thought their peers would believe to be appropriate behaviors, and may not have actually acted that way in a real-life situation. The sample used was taken from one school, and the results may not be generalizable.

Rew, L., Whittaker, T., Taylor-Seehafer, M., & Smith, L. (2005). Sexual health risks and protective resources in gay, lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual homeless youth. Journal for Specialists in Pediatric Nursing, 10, 11-19.

Services for homeless youth should be specific for both gender and sexual orientation.

This article compares the sexual health risks taken by homeless youth who identify as gay, lesbian, or bi-sexual to those taken by homeless youth who identify as heterosexual. Survey data collected from 425 homeless adolescents between 16 and 20 years of age were analyzed. More gay and lesbian youth reported sexual abuse, and being tested and treated for HIV than heterosexual youth. Gay and lesbian youth also scored lower on measures of assertive communication. Among gay, lesbian, and bi-sexual respondents, more males than females identified as homosexual and more females than males identified as bi-sexual.

Santana, M., Raj, A., Decker, M., La Marche, A., & Silverman, J. (2006). Masculine gender roles associated with increased sexual risk and intimate partner violence perpetration among young adult men. Journal of Urban Health, 83, 575-585.

Researchers found that men who believed in traditional male gender roles were more likely to have committed intimate partner violence within the past year than men with less traditional beliefs.

A group of 283 men, aged 18-35, were recruited at a community health center in Boston. The men were mostly Hispanic (74.9%) and Black (21.9%), and 55% were not born in the continental US. In the previous year, 40% reported committing one or more types of intimate partner violence (IPV): sexual violence (28.3%); physical violence (27.6%); and violence causing injury and/or need for medical services (13.8%). Men who had traditional male gender role beliefs were more likely to have committed intimate partner violence (IPV) within the past year and to have unprotected vaginal sex with a primary partner than men with less traditional beliefs. However, traditional beliefs were not associated with having multiple female partners, forcing unprotected sex, or engaging in unprotected anal sex. Levels of violence were the same regardless of race/ethnicity, country of origin, or acculturation. Only a low level of education (not having a high school diploma or GED) was associated with having traditional beliefs and with committing higher rates of IPV. The results do not imply a cause-and-effect relationship between IPV and traditional beliefs. However, interventions to reduce IPV and sexual risk among young men may be more successful if they promote less traditional gender role beliefs.

Schultz, J., Bell, K., Naugle, A., Polusny, M. (2006). Child sexual abuse and adulthood sexual assault among military veteran and civilian women. Military Medicine, 171, 723-728.

Female veterans were more likely to report having been sexually assaulted as an adult than civilian women. Among those who were sexually abused as children (under age 14), veteran women were more likely to have been abused by a parental figure.

Both veteran women (N=142) and non-veteran women (N=81) from community settings completed questionnaires about their experiences of child sexual abuse, adult sexual victimization, and adult sexual assault. More than twice as many veteran women (48.9%) reported adult sexual assault than community women (21.5%). Veteran women and community women reported similar levels of child sexual abuse (48.6% and 43.2% respectively), but veteran women were much more likely to have been sexually abused by a parental figure (91.9% vs. 10%). The authors recommend screening women in the military to assist those who may have been sexually traumatized, and development of a sexual assault prevention program for all women entering the military.

Because women with a history of sexual violence may have been more likely to complete the questionnaire, rates of reported sexual violence may be higher than in a general population.

Military | Survivors

Silverman, J., Decker, M., Reed, E., Rothman, E., Hathaway, J., Raj, A., et al. (2006). Social norms & beliefs regarding sexual risk and pregnancy involvement among adolescent males treated for dating violence perpetration. Journal of Urban Health, 83, 723-735.

Beliefs about normal sexual behavior of men and women should be addressed when developing programs to reduce relationship violence and sexual risk.

The goal of this exploratory study was to generate hypotheses about the relationship between beliefs about sexual behavior and the practice of risky behaviors. Six focus groups were held with 34 young men aged 13-20 who were enrolled in dating violence programs because of actual abuse or concerns about their potential to abuse. Several major themes emerged from the groups. Participants believed that it was normal for men have multiple partners and that claims of sex gave men status. They described men as rationalizing rape to avoid thinking of themselves as rapists. They explained that men would not use condoms while high, or if putting a condom on gave a girl an opportunity to leave. They described hostile relations with women, who they believed usually lied about being raped. Participants believed men were not responsible for pregnancies because women used pregnancy to trick men into relationships.

Limitations of the study included the small sample, the inability to separate actual perpetrators from those merely at risk for dating violence, and the risk that focus group participants were trying to impress the researchers and each other.

Stermac, L., Del Bove, G., Addison, M. (2004). Stranger and acquaintance sexual assault of adult males. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 19, 901-915.

Sexual assaults of males by strangers tend to occur outdoors and are more likely to involve weapons and multiple perpetrators than assaults perpetrated by acquaintances. Severity and types of injuries due to sexual assault are similar in men and women.

In this descriptive study, researchers looked at the records of three groups of clients at a Canadian Sexual Assault Care Center: male victims of stranger assault (n=64); male victims of non-stranger assault (n=81); and female victims of non-stranger assault (n=106). Male survivors from both groups were more likely to be living in shelters, institutions (such as transitional housing) or on the street. They were also significantly more likely to have a physical disability than female victims of non-stranger assault. While acquaintance assaults of men and women usually took place in the assailant’s home (44.3% vs. 43.4%), male acquaintance assaults were significantly more likely to take place in an institution (10.1% vs 0%). Stranger assaults of men were more likely to take place outside, involve multiple perpetrators, and involve use of a weapon, although injuries were similar among the groups. All received similar levels of care at the hospital, although men were admitted more often than women. The findings suggested that men who were homeless and disabled were at higher risk for sexual assault by strangers, and that safer housing options were needed.

Walker, J., Archer, J., & Davies, M. (2005). Effects of rape on men: A descriptive analysis. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 34, 69-80.

Male victims of rape tend to react in an emotionally “controlled” way (calm, composed or subdued) immediately after the event. Long-term effects of sexual assault on men include depression, anger, anxiety, and emotional distancing from others.

To describe the experiences of male rape victims who were not in a clinical setting, men who had been anally raped were recruited to participate in a mail-in survey. Forty men provided details of the assault, their immediate reactions, and the long-term effects. Seventy percent of the men were between the ages of 16-25 when the incident occurred. Only 10% of the rapes were committed by strangers. Most men (87%) felt frozen fear, helplessness, or submission during the attack, although some (27%) were able to fight back at least somewhat. The majority of men reported that feeling helpless and out of control was worse than the sexual aspects of the assault. Almost all of the men reported long-term depression as a consequence of the assault, and most experienced long-term confusion about their sexual identity. Recommendations included providing male victims the same support services offered to women, and more community education and outreach to increase awareness of the prevalence and impact of male rape.

Wolff, N., Blitz, C., Shi, J., Bachman, R., Siegel, J. (2006). Sexual violence inside prisons: Rates of victimization. Journal of Urban Health, 83, 835-848.

Sexual victimization in prisons (including sexual contact and nonconsensual sex acts) occurs most frequently between female inmates.

To estimate the prevalence of sexual violence in a prison system, male (n=6,964) and female inmates (n=564) in twelve prisons in a small eastern state completed a computer-assisted survey. Inmates were asked about incidents involving abusive sexual contact and non-consensual sex acts by other inmates or by prison staff within the last 6 months. Females reported inmate-on-inmate sexual violence at 212 incidents per 1000 inmates while males reported only 43 incidents per 1000 inmates. Rates of non-consensual sex (inmate on inmate) were 32 per 1000 for women and 15 per for men. Staff-on-inmate sexual victimization rates were the same for men and women (76 per 1000), with men reporting 19 per 1000 incidents of non-consensual sex vs. 17 per 1000 for women. This study had a good response rate (average 39%) from all inmates housed in general population. Because rates of sexual violence varied by the site, future studies should look at factors that can minimize risks. Inmate experiences of trauma and disease from forced sex should be addressed to prevent them from contributing to the ill health of their community when they are released.


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