Focuses on rape prevalence research and examines the relationship between measurement methods and levels of rape detection. Weighs the relative threat to the validity of prevalence estimates posed by fabrication versus nondisclosure. Examines various methodological choices and their relationship to the magnitude of prevalence estimates. (JPS)
crime's long term effects on health were documented with objective health service use data / women were chosen for the focus because the scope of criminal violence against them is of stunning magnitude / the site of the present study was an urban, work site-based health maintenance organization / [Ss were] a diverse group of  urban, working women with an average age of 36 /// all participants were screened for severity of crime victimization with questions taken verbatim from the NCVS [National Crime Victimization Survey] / the measures of health service use, in accordance with common pra
Discusses the measurement of rape victimization in crime surveys, focusing on national and international surveys characterized by inadequate rape screening. The National Crime Victimization Survey (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1994) has maintained the same definition of rape since 1973, and has failed to detect the high rate of rape. The International Crime Survey (J. van Dijk P. Mahew, 1993) has underestimated rape victimization. The National Victims Center Survey (1992) provides national statistics on rape without reaching several high risk groups.
Justice processing for crimes against women is reviewed. The data reveal conviction rates for partner violence and rape by known acquaintances are miniscule; mandatory arrest, protection orders, and diversion programs inadequately deter rebattering; few losses are compensated; and the adversarial justice process is retraumatizing, exacerbating survivor self-blame. To better address crimes against women, several nations and tribal communities use communitarian approaches, forms of restorative justice. The offense is framed to include the perpetrator, victim, and community.
This article proposes that feminist legal critics need to be able to explain how some cases succeed in securing convictions. The means by which rape cases are routinely disqualified in the criminal justice system have received widespread attention. It is well established in feminist legal critique that female complainants are discredited if they fail to conform to an archaic stereotype of the genuine or 'real' rape victim. This victim is not only morally and sexually virtuous she is also cautious, unprovocative, and consistent.
This study examined the link between ethnicity, early sexual victimization experiences and college sexual assault in a sample of 383 undergraduate women. One third of the sample (32.9%) had experienced some form of sexual assault during college (22% of whom reported that they had been raped), and 52% had experienced unwanted sexual activity before the age of 18 (17.5% of whom had reported that a family member or trusted family friend asked for or forced sexual activities).
By examining the reporting of the Tailhook incident in the mainstream media from the event itself through the conclusion of military and congressional debates about its meaning 5 yrs later, this article demonstrates that the media construct representations that are in accordance with the dominant gender ideology. The military's interpretation of Tailhook--"boys will be boys" with "party girls"--was contested by the women who were harassed and assaulted.
During the 1970s and 1980s, in both Britain and New Zealand, mounting criticism was made of the way in which women rape complainants were treated by police and criminal justice system. In response to these criticisms, legal and procedural changes were introduced in both countries in the mid-1980s, aimed at improving women's experience of the reporting process. As in England, however, little research was conducted following these changes to assess their impact on women's experiences of the police reporting process.